Category Art

'Prudent' pricing, the Pain Caucus, and the Protestant Ethic

In his book Talking Prices, Olav Velthuis points out that the collapse of the art market in the early 1990s resulted in a widespread shift away from the ‘superstar’ pricing of the go-go 80s, and towards a ‘prudent’ pricing in the 1990s. Art dealers saw the watershed collapse of fantastic(al) prices as a moment not of panic, but of purification. Suddenly, the come-lately collectors from Japan and elsewhere who would buy dubious quality art at dubiously high prices would be forced out of the market.

Superstar prices would ruin artists’ integrity; superstar dealers “trample the morals of the market, treating an artwork overtly as a commodity, with status as well as investment overtones” (151). These dealers potentially further destabilize the art market, resulting in negative effects on everyone else.

That artists themselves would bear the brunt of the suffering as a result of lower prices was a feature, not a bug. True, these lower, more slowly rising prices for an artist’s work benefit collectors much more than artists. Prudent pricing would make artists more responsible. Velthuis also argues that “for most artists pricing prudently means that they cannot make a living form their work” (155). But for dealers, this moment of purification allowed them to re-establish control over art prices more broadly, and to do so within a moral framework.

There are parallels to the so-called Pain Caucus, so named because in the face of massive unemployment, these policy-makers and federal reserve chairpeople think that short-term deficits are the crises on which we should focus. There is a moral element here as well: that after the profligate borrowing and spending of the early ‘aughts, workers need to suffer some. Why it is workers who need to bear the brunt of this suffering, I leave to your own political imagination.

Dealers As Guardians

(by Ana T.) This article touches on a lot of the topics we’ve been discussing in class. Protection of artists, embeddedness and Art speculation.

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/17/arts/design/17blacklisting.html?ref=design

Auction claiming – to add to the database

This post is a marker post for the 3910 class to ‘claim’ 2 auctions to add to the database. Pick what you like, but leave what you want in comments please!

Are Art Auctions any Different from other Markets?

(by Sebastian B)
As far as I got acquainted to Pr. Levin’s research project, I wanted to stress the need for not overstating the singularity of art auctions relative to author forms of commodities and selling. What happens in an art auction is probably not very different from any other marketing process.

 We usually grant a very special status to art and view its commodification as problematic. On the one hand, the market is supposed to feature the ocean of commensurability. On the other, the piece of art is viewed as the unique outcome of a singular mind. Besides, auctions bear a specific aura among the different forms of commodification. As a social event, there are meant to dramatize the adjustment between scarcity in supply and multiplicity in demand. The auction, it is assumed, has the magical power of fixing a legitimate price in the realm of uncertainty as opposed to the sell of mass production at a price set before any selling agreement is made. Hence, Charles Smith’s suggests a natural connection between auctions and art. He argues that uncertainty is so high about the value of singular art pieces that a public auction is necessary to give them a value.

There is something I really don’t like about this claim. It assumes that there is such thing as a transparent market where a company sets once for all the value of its widgets. In fact, what happens in art auctions is only the display of what secretly guides the marketing process of most things. The only difference is that according to the economic ideology, commodities are produced and sold according to a transparent, straightforward process. In the course of their design and marketing, coffee mugs or any other consumer product, just as art, encounter redefinitions about their value: they all have an awkward biography.

Such is, at least, the argument of Michel Callon. In the line of Bruno Latour re-consideration of material life, this French sociologist argues that every single product is individualized. There are not two customers who define the value of a product in the same way. The final sale of a product results from the process of adjustment between the properties of the object and the “world” of the customer. The purpose of selling in the auction is not to make up for the uncertainty about the object’s value but rather to meet the demands of a particular “world”, that of the art dealers who attend auctions, and the product. The auction is a redefinition, among many others, of the nature of the art piece, just as when you buy an apple you give it a new significance.

Thus, in my view, we would miss a point if we primarily saw the appraisers work as merely turning “singularity” into “commensurability”. The way I would see the appraiser’s work is a contribution to a process of integrating singularity into a good. It could be compared to the influence of the sales manager within a company over the existence of a technically innovative product. Why not shifting to this paradigm when talking about art rather than staying in the rather dry “art vs. market” dichotomy?

References
Charles Smith, Auctions: The Social Construction of Value
Michel Callon, “La qualité”, Sociologie du travail, 44 (2002), p. 255-287

Commoditization, or something like it

Jenn and Emily raise an interesting point for the project, that is whether and how to include objects that resist monetization. These things are often meant to be art (though sometimes they are meant to be artistic), but they are equally meant to be impossible to package and monetize. Some whole art schools (Dadaism, for instance) were at least in part predicated on a critique of bourgeois society, art markets very much included.

In many ways, this is the inverse of someone like Damien Hirst,  Murakami, or Warhol, whose art is commentary on consumption culture by making it hyper-consumptive and hyper-marketable (and marketed). So if we are going to include art whose artistic value is that it is meant to be commodified, we should probably include its inverse.

Theoretically, I can see how this would work. IMHO, one of the main things that has to happen to art in order to achieve commoditization (I usually use that word interchangeably with commodification) is for it to be turned into something durable, alienable, singular, while still retaining its cultural value.

One piece of the 'formatting the market' puzzle

I have in mind how this works, in most cases it is simply that the object itself is both the art and the commodity. But these are really distinct things. In the case of a performance, the art is ephemeral and impossible to ‘sell’ (though we could of course sell tickets to the performance); so to make it salable, it has to be made into a video recording, and that could be bought and sold. Likewise street art – people chiseling Banksy murals off of concrete walls, for instance. It’s not that the art is not art when it’s performance, it just can’t be bought and sold in that form.

But someone like Bill Viola sells pieces for hundreds of thousands of dollars (that piece, Quintet of the Silent, came in at US$274,816). The description in the catalog read:

Video installation comprised of single-channel colour video on wall-mounted plasma display. 72.4 x 120.7 x 10.2 cm. (28 1/2 x 47 1/2 x 4 in).   This work is from an edition of five and is accompanied by a certificate of authenticity signed by the artist.

So theoretically, I would say yes and yes, that we can and should study art that cannot be monetized. Because it means that the ‘other’ art can be monetized, and I want to know how that works.

But (and there is always a but), how to do this? Practically and empirically, how would we incorporate tribal art or performance art or video art into the project? It seems that we might interview avant-garde art gallerists? Can we do this without bumping into the primary market/secondary market division? I’ve become more practical nowadays to say that we can only study it if its possible, but not to let perfect be the enemy of the good. How can we include this kind of art?

Contours of the project

Pulling back the curtain here a bit on what sociologists do, rather than what sociology is. Students are participants in the project, not as research assistants (it would be more efficient and more sane for me to actually hire a couple grad students if this was the route I wanted to go), but as participants. It is a rough go at a small collaboration across disciplines, and to make less mysterious what it is that professors actually do.

The aims of the project (and the course) is to understand how market intermediaries make markets possible. That is, what are the organizational, institutional, and cultural practices that make it possible for markets to look the way that they do? My initial aim is to see art specialists and art advisers/consultants as key agents in this regard. This is part of a larger aim to understand how appraisers of fine art, real estate, finance, all do their work. And how what appear as self-regulating, natural markets are a result of that work. For the most insider-y of readers, it is organizational sociology + cultural institutionalism + social studies of finance. These are the waters we ply.

The initial research proposal is available as .pdf or MS-Word document.

This week was our first ‘real’ class (as opposed to the intitial class, where I hemmed and hawed through most of it, trying to explain what I wanted and whether we would even have the class to begin with. Actually, scratch that. I say ‘um’, ‘like’, and ‘so’ terribly often in every class). In it, we talked about this proposal, what it contains, what it lacks. I am now revising it, but it seemed to me that there were a number of excellent suggestions. They focused on limits on the commodity itself, the key participants, and the differences between trying to predict prices and understanding how prices get ‘made’. Here are some of the more interesting things we’ve come up with:

Adjust your feed readers

Apologies to those who follow my feed on the spurt of student activity around these parts. As I mentioned earlier, I am running a class research seminar on Art and pricing. So there may be some guest authors for a while. If you like, you can exit – or you can comment. I’d obviously love to see the latter, but as most of you lurk about anyhow, we’ll see. They are a small but promising mix of sociology/art history/economics majors. Hopefully we’ll learn something!

New semester, new purposes

I’ve been pretty lax about keeping up with the blog, and I am teaching a research seminar this semester on pricing in art markets. I’m likely to turn the blog over to that purpose for awhile, so if there are dramatic changes that you find unappealing, you could wander away if you like. Or, you can participate in the fun. Things should get going this week.

the inducements of rationality

Economic sociologists have long wrestled with the microfoundations of market rationality, and attempted to understand the embeddedness of behavior in the cultural context in which it rests…oh, hell, I just want to post this video of the subway stairs in Stockholm:

Have a nice Friday, peoples!

Objective Value in Markets

I have written about the experiment going on at Significant Objects before. They buy things at garage sales and thrift stores, make up stories about the objects, and then sell these objects on eBay, with the stories attached as the objects’ descriptions. The premise is that “the object should — according to our hypothesis — acquire not merely subjective but objective value. How to test our theory? Via eBay!”

I think the experiment is interesting, and I am deeply committed to understanding those brackish waters between the sweet rivers of culture and the salty sea of markets. But there are some flaws here that seem about to be brushed under the rug in favor of the ‘measuring the objective value of culture’ story line. First, a typical description on eBay looks something like this:
Description of the 'significant object' on eBay

The final line reads:

Note: The significance of this object has been invented by the author; see SignificantObjects.com for details. (Winning bidder also receives a copy of Cintra Wilson’s story about this object. Opening price represents the free-market value of the object prior to its invented significance…

And to me, the implications of that last line is where this whole thing falls apart.

First, there is a small but real element of misdirection here. People come to the objects from two sources: 1) from eBay itself, and 2) from SigObjects, Design Observer, BoingBoing, or any number of other culturally-hip blogs/feeds/twitters.

For people in the first category, the item is listed under sporting goods > team sports > basketball > other. And the notice that the “significance has been invented by the author” is small and unusual enough to be unclear to some people coming to the object. So it may not be clear exactly what one is purchasing when one is bidding on the object. My guess is that this accounts for a handful of bids (and maybe not more).

For people in the second category, it is also mis-categorized. Because it should not be under ‘team sports’, it should be under Contemporary Art. This is where the project is something of a failure. Because for people coming to the object via the Significant Objects site or some other culturally in-the-know place, bidding on the object is participating in performance art, and purchasing the object itself is more akin to purchasing a piece of contemporary art.

It’s for the same reason that this is not a big plywood box of Cornflakes:

Andy Warhol's Kellogg's CornFlakes

It would be unusual for us to subtract the cost of the materials Warhol used to construct this piece (silkscreen ink on plywood) from the hammer price of the piece ($482,500) in order to somehow acquire the ‘objective’ value of significance. Unusual because it implies a kind of hedonic pricing model: that the object’s overall price can be derived by combining prices of its individual attributes – cost of materials + time + signficance. And it is possible to do so, and to thus come up with an ‘objective’ value of significance. With these measurements, so far significant objects has created and measured significance that has increased market value by almost 2300%. But as Brayden once said a long time ago, in the art world hedonic value falls to something more like transcendent value.

There’s a longer comment about the validity of lots of alternative pricing models, which depend not so much on specific notions of efficient markets (sociologists’ favorite straw argument), but on the notion of objective value. In the meantime, I think the significant objects project is completely interesting, but well, not quite significant.